Posts Tagged ‘political prisoners’

丽丽皆辛苦

十一月 7, 2018

丽丽皆辛苦

有的丽丽很残
有的丽丽很苦
有的丽丽没事
有的丽丽孤独

有的丽丽很忙
有的丽丽辛苦
有的丽丽决定
哪些丽丽孤独

2018/11/1

 

 

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HUNDEFUTTER und BRETT VOLLER NÄGEL auf der Frankfurter Buchmesse 伊沙编《新世纪诗典》选集《布满钉子的木板》在法兰克福书展

十月 20, 2018

CLICK HERE TO READ THE INTERVIEW! HIER KLICKEN ZUM HÖREN!

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2011-11-27 23:40 来自 微博 weibo.com
《新世纪诗典》之@典裘沽酒日

新世纪诗典——典裘沽酒《重阳节》

伊沙点评: 我本不想说典裘沽酒是垃圾派,但是本月初粤东行,一路上听他一直跟祥林嫂似的介绍垃圾派,我对他的打击当面和在此是一样的:他的垃圾诗都不好甚至坏。他只要一发力就要出坏诗。他的好诗缘自于他叫沈绍裘时候深植在心的经典意识以及朴素正常的情感和写作时的平常心,就像这一首,真实的,太真实了;中国的,太中国了!好一个“砸歪”(不是没砸)!

Dianqiu Gujiu, 1959 in Miluo, Provinz Hunan, geboren. Eisenbahnpolizist in der Provinz Guangdong (Kanton). Publiziert seit 1985. Gehört zur Richtung der Abfalldichter (Laji shipai).

典裘沽酒简介

本名沈绍裘,男,1959年秋生于湖南汨罗。在广州铁路读小学中学。1976年下乡广东三水务农四年。回广州后,在广州铁路公安处工作至今。系广东省作协会员。1985年开始发表诗歌作品。有诗选入“当代青年诗人自荐代表作诗选”,“朦胧诗三百首”,“迷乱的星空”等十多种选本。2003年5月开始上网写诗,同年8月底加入垃圾派,2004年1月退出垃圾派,以凡斯等一起发起垃圾运动,并担任垃圾运动论坛版主。2005年2月辞去垃圾运动论坛版主,建立中国低诗潮网站。5月重新加入垃圾派。

Dianqiu Gujiu
DOPPEL-NEUN-FEIERTAG

am feiertag denk ich an meine mutter
einmal bei einem streit
heb ich einen hocker
du vieh! schreit die nachbarin-tante
schlägst sogar deine mutter
ich hab den hocker trotzdem geworfen
nur absichtlich bisschen daneben

Übersetzt von MW, Oktober 2018

《重阳节》

典裘沽酒

重阳节,我想起了母亲
想起有次我和她吵架
我举起一张小椅子要砸她
邻居阿姨大叫你这个畜生
连自己的妈都要打呀
我还是把小椅子砸下去了
只是有意砸歪了一些。

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Stuttgarter Straßenbahnen und Busse Foto: Dieter Hosch

 

Stuttgarter Straßenbahnen und Busse Foto: Dieter Hosch

Stuttgarter Straßenbahnen und Busse Foto: Dieter Hosch

Stuttgarter Straßenbahnen und Busse Foto: Dieter Hosch

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MEIN APPELL – LIU XIA Liao Yiwu 廖亦武:我的呼籲 My Appeal

十二月 14, 2017

MEIN APPELL

Liao Yiwu

Übersetzt von Martin Winter

 

Heute ist der neunte Jahrestag der “Charta 08”. Am 8. Dezember 2008 um 11 Uhr abends drängte sich eine Horde von Polizisten vor der Wohnung von Liu Xiaobo und Liu Xia. Sie hämmerten an die Tür. Liu Xiaobo stand vom Computer auf und rief Liu Xia zu: “Schnell, du musst telefonieren!” Aber Liu Xia telefonierte nicht oft. Es war nicht genug Zeit, sie hatten kaum eine Minute. Sie sagte: “Xiaobo, mach die Tür auf.”

Sie hatte es längst geahnt. Und ihn immer wieder gewarnt.

Xiaobo wurde mit einem dunklen Tuch über den Augen abgeführt. Über einen Monat später führte man Liu Xia in benommenem Zustand in ein Hotel. Dort wartete Liu Xiaobo, man hatte ihn von einem anderen Ort, den er nicht kannte, in dieses streng abgetrennte Zimmer gebracht.

Lieber Freund, du hast uns verlassen. In der Dunkelheit, in der man seine eigenen fünf Finger nicht sieht, hast du noch einen Streifen Licht gesehen. Du hast es stotternd betont: “Ich seh, seh, seh Licht.” Wir haben es nicht gesehen. Liu Xia sagt, sie hat es auch nicht gesehen. Ihre letzte Serie von Fotographien heißt “Einsame Gestirne”. Du, ich, wir, sie, alles einsame Sterne.

Ganz am Ende sind deine Beine auf und ab, auf und ab gegangen, ununterbrochen. Nach über einer Stunde haben Atem und Puls plötzlich ausgesetzt.

Du bist auf dem einsamen Stern dort. Und die Bücher, die Liu Xia in diesen Jahren für dich gekauft hat, die liegen noch im Schrank. Was dir am meisten Leid getan hat, war dass Liu Xia nicht ausreisen konnte, dass sie ihre Freiheit nicht finden konnte. Deshalb schreibe ich diese Zeilen, und mache noch einen Appell.

Ich hoffe, dass die chinesische Regierung aus Gründen der Humanität und des Gesetzes einen Menschen frei lässt, der niemals irgendeines Verbrechens beschuldigt wurde, und der an schwerer Depression leidet. Ich hoffe, dass die Regierungen von Deutschland, Frankreich, USA und alle demokratischen Länder sich dafür einsetzen, und alle Menschenrechtsorganisationen und Aktivisten. Für die Freiheit der Witwe des Friedensnobelpreisträgers von 2010. Vielen Dank Ihnen allen!

Liao Yiwu
Schriftsteller im Exil, Friedenspreisträger des Deutschen Buchhandels 2012
8.12. 2017

Anmerkung: Liu Xias Gedicht an Herta Müller wurde am 16. Dezember von der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung (FAZ) auf Deutsch zuerst veröffentlicht.

Liu Xia:

Liebe Herta,
Ich roll mich zusammen und mach mich klein,
denn jemand hat an meine Tür geklopft.
Mein Hals wird schon hart,
aber ich kann nicht hinaus.
Ich red mit mir selbst,
ich werd verrückt.
Ich bin so einsam,
ich hab kein Recht zu sprechen,
ich darf nicht laut werden.
Ich leb wie eine Pflanze,
und lieg da wie eine Leiche.

Übersetzt von Martin Winter

My Appeal ( 我的呼籲 ):中文在後

Today is the ninth anniversary of “Charter ‘08”. At eleven o’clock at night on the 8th of December 2008, a hoard of police officers flocked towards the home of Liu Xiaobo and Liu Xia. As the pounding on the door resounded through their home, Xiaobo got to his feet in front of his computer and shouted to Liu Xia: “Quick, make the call!” But Liu Xia normally didn’t use a phone…. There was no time. Liu Xia said: “Open the door, Xiaobo.”

She’d long had a premonition. And warned him often….

Xiaobo was led off with a black cloth over his eyes. Over a month later, a disoriented Liu Xia was taken to a hotel where they met again in a sealed room. Xiaobo was brought there from a place he did not know.

My dear friend, you’ve gone. In a darkness so black I can’t see the fingers of my extended hand, you could yet see a trace of light. You always insisted in a stammer: “I see, see, see it.” We didn’t see. Liu Xia says she also did not see. Her most recent group of photographs is called “Solitary Planets”, you, me, us, her, all solitary planets.

On the verge of departure, your two legs were moving up and down, ceaselessly, ceaselessly walking. Up until an hour or so later, till your breath and pulse abruptly halt.

You’re on that solitary planet. And the books Liu Xia bought you these last few years still lie in the bookcase. Your greatest regret was that Liu Xia was unable to leave the country, could not find the freedom that was properly hers. And so I write these words and publicly appeal for her freedom once more.

I hope the government of China, out of basic human decency and in accordance with the law, will release a person suffering deeply from depression who has never broken a law. I hope that Germany, the United States, France, Great Britain and other Western governments, human rights organizations and activists would continue to negotiate with the government of China for the freedom of the widow of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Thank you all.

Liao Yiwu,
Writer in exile, recipient of the 2012 German Book Industry Peace Prize

Translated by Michael Day

———————————-

Dear Herta

I curl into a ball
As somebody knocks at the door
My neck starts to stiffen
But I can not leave
I speak to myself
I’m going mad
Too solitary
I have not the right to speech
To speak loudly
I live like a plant
I lie like a corpse

Translated by Michael Day

 

我的呼籲

今天是《零八憲章》九周年,2008年12月8日午夜11點,一大幫警察湧向曉波和劉霞的家,擂門聲一陣緊似一陣。曉波從電腦前站起來,衝劉霞喊:“快打電話!”但劉霞平時不用電話。不到一分鐘,來不及了。劉霞說:“曉波開門吧。”

她早就有預感。并一次次提醒。

曉波是被黑布蒙住雙眼帶走的。一個多月後,暈頭轉向的劉霞被帶到一個賓館,在密閉房間中,他們重逢。曉波也是從另一個他不知道的地方,被帶到這兒的。

親愛的朋友,你走了,在伸手不見五指的黑暗中,你也能看見一絲光,你總是結結巴巴強調:“我看,看,看到了。”我們沒看到。劉霞說她也沒看到。她最近的一組攝影叫《孤獨星球》,你,我,我們,她,都是孤獨星球。

你在臨終之際,兩條腿上上下下地走著,不停的,不停的,不停的走著。直至一個多小時後,呼吸和脈搏都嘎然而止。

你在那個孤獨星球。而劉霞這些年為你買的書,還躺在書櫃裏。你最大遺憾是劉霞不能出國,沒辦法找到本該屬於她的自由。所以我寫下這些話,并再次為她公開呼籲。

希望中國政府出於基本人道,依法釋放一個沒任何犯罪記錄的深度抑鬱患者。希望德國、美國、法國、英國等西方民主國家政府、人權組織與活動者們,為2010年諾貝爾和平獎得主的寡婦的自由,繼續與中國政府交涉。謝謝您們。

廖亦武
流亡作家,2012年德國書業和平獎獲得者

2017年12月8日,《零八憲章》九周年

注:附件是劉霞在數日前寫給2009年諾貝爾文學獎獲得者赫塔 米勒的分行信

注:附件是劉霞在數日前寫給2009年諾貝爾文學獎獲得者赫塔 米勒的分行信

親愛的赫塔:

我蜷縮成一團
因為有人敲嚮了門
我的脖子開始變得僵硬
我卻不能離開
我自言自語
我要瘋了
我那麼孤單
我沒有權力說話
大聲說話
我像植物一樣活着
我像屍體一樣躺着

Photos by Liu Xia

Atrocity in the Name of the Law

十二月 8, 2017

Foreword by @tengbiao to “The People’s Republic of the Disappeared: Stories From Inside China’s System for Enforced Disappearances”, a new book about China’s Residential Surveillance at a designated location Atrocity in the Name of the Law

OUR PEOPLE

九月 26, 2014

2014-09 ILHAM TOHTI _CHINA-XINJIANG

OUR PEOPLE
– for Ilham Tohti

he cannot speak for his people
nobody can speak for our people
anyone who is not for our people
is against our people

he’s no mandela
how could mandela
speak for our people?

only our people
speak for our people

MW Sept. 2014

Tanks Uighur Girl

Christmas crackdown

十二月 29, 2011

“中國總是在耶誕節期間對異議份子大開殺戒,因為這段期間西方人都去過節放假,比較無暇看到中國的手段。”

Picture by Yang Jinsong

“Christmas means different things around the world, but in China one of the things it’s come to stand for is crackdown. In recent years Chinese courts have chosen the holiday season as the time to hand down the harshest sentences to political dissenters, possibly in the belief that their rulings will receive the least attention abroad. On Dec. 26 a court in the southwestern city of Guiyang sentenced longtime dissident Chen Xi to 10 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power,” Reuters reported.

Moon again

十二月 10, 2011

song

the song the tree the moon the night

the streets the cars the moon is bright

the air is right one star is there

I hope we sleep all through the night

MW December 2011

all among the loony people… today is the day the nobel peace prize gets awarded. this year it goes to three women in different places and positions in africa. maybe a little less pointless and pathetic than the prize-great big vain hope obama manunkind not. last year the prize went to loony old liu xiaobo. not very peaceful guy, doesn’t give the chinese government any peace with his charta 08. rather removed from most people in china for 11 years, locked away in the northeast. but instead they have ai weiwei. and we have liao yiwu. great loony poetry. thrown out of china. so it stays hole.

vielleicht

vielleicht has(s)t du noch einen tag

vielleicht hast du noch eine nacht

vielleicht liebst du noch eine nacht

vielleicht liebt dich jemand

auch nachher noch weiter

du spuerst es und du spuerst es nicht

MW Dezember 2011

Objective

六月 13, 2011

According to Xinhua and Global Times, the newly published second volume of “History of the Chinese Communist Party” (1949-1978) is “seen as objective”.  So what’s the objective of this book? What are the objectives of this new “objective” party history? Was it written by party members? Does anyone among them, or among the people who planned, published, and distributed this book, think the PRC should evolve into something different from a one-party dictatorship/autocracy? (I find it hard to believe that many non-party members would use their own money to buy such a book. Or is it really that different? Why was it published, then?) Which major bookstores have had their sales rankings dominated by this book? Ok, the main objective seems to be seen as objective. “Experts say that objectivity, a founding principle of the CPC, was virtually banished during the late 1950s and 1960s, when “extreme leftist” thought dominated the governing ideology of the Party.” Founding principle? There must be some historians who can answer this question. Anyway, they still write their party with a capital P.

http://www.tinkin.com/arts/the-travelogue-of-dr-brain-damages/
http://www.tinkin.com/arts/the-travelogue-of-dr-brain-damages/

In Taiwan, there seems to have been pressure for change in the late 1970s and early 1980s. China was changing. Taiwan was and is still called Republic of China, but in the 1970s they lost their UN-Security Council seat to the
PRC. Because of that ping-pong tournament between Nixon, Zhou Enlai, Mao and Kissinger, or something like that. Yes, sports events have always been very important. So there was pressure on Taiwan to open up politically, to democratize. They couldn’t just go on calling themselves The Free China team. No-one was ever going to help them liberate the Mainland anyway. So the Chiang Ching-kuo administration eventually lifted martial law in 1987, and allowed real opposition. A real opposition party. In 1988 or 1989, you still had to be a Party member (GMD/KMT) to get into certain positions in Taiwan. In 1988 or 1989, even very liberal Party members still said that in 1947, maybe 200 people might have been killed after the February 28th incident, but it was an armed uprising anyway. In 1991, President Li Denghui publicly admitted that probably more than 20.000 people had been killed in 1947 by government forces, and apologized to surviving relatives.

Going back to China: If there is any real discussion about The Great Leap Forward famine, in conjunction with all the other campaigns, including the anti-rightist “movement” and the ones before and after, including the CR,
wouldn’t that mean one-party autocracy would have to be abandoned at some time? In 2011, we’re having 90 years of CCP, in addition to 45 years after 1966, the beginning of the CR. In 2009, we’ve had The Founding of a Republic (1949), and in addition 1959 (famine), 1969 (CR), 1979 and 1989 (In 1979, economic reform was ushered in under Deng Xiaoping, who prevailed over Hua Guofeng in the late 1970s, although Hua had been appointed by Mao. Does that mean Hua and Mao were part of the “‘extreme leftist’ thought [that] dominated the governing ideology of the Party” […] “during the late 1950s and 1960s”?).

The student demonstrators in 1989 explicitly stated in slogans on banners etc. that they supported the CCP. Even after they were called counter-revolutionaries in the The People’s Daily. (See the article by Su Yang 蘇陽 in the HK Xin Bao). But because protest leaders emphasized loyalty to the state, three peasants who hurled red paint at the Mao portrait at Tian’anmen were apprehended by the students and handed over to Public Security. They were from Hunan, where Mao came from. They got 17-20 years. After the massacre of June 3rd and June 4th in the streets of Beijing, who would still think that political reform would be possible under the Party?

“Objectivity” sounds rather like the 1980s. Objectivity and political reform, or at least pressure for political reform are interdependent. Any kind of national and international pressure, especially the latter. “Chinese
Communist Party seen as objective in writing its history” – doesn’t that sound like “Vatican seen as objective in writing its history”? Yan Lianke cannot publish his latest novel Four Books in mainland China, because it’s about the Great Leap Forward famine. Opposition party founder Liu Xianbin has been sentenced to another 10 years in March. He has been sentenced to 26 years since 1989. There are a few other people like him. They are not as famous as Liu Xiaobo and Ai Weiwei. And there are people in detention or in labor camps for political reasons who are not intellectuals or dissidents. Like Ai Weiwei’s cook and his driver. Anyway, would anyone call the present political and social climate in China hopeful? So what are the objectives?

Freedom for Liu Xiaobo!

三月 12, 2011

Wir laden herzlich ein:

Solidaritäts-Lesung für den inhaftierten Friedensnobelpreisträger Liu Xiaobo

20. März 2011

Österreichische und chinesische Künstlerinnen lesen Texte des chinesischen Bürgerrechtlers. Im Anschluss findet ein Gespräch mit SinologInnen, SchriftstellerInnen und MenschenrechtsexpertInnen statt.

Zeit:

Sonntag, 20. März, 19 Uhr

Ort:

Raum D / quartier21, MuseumsQuartier Wien

http://www.mqw.at/de/programm/detail/?event_id=6339

http://programm.mqw.at/programmdatenbank/index.php?result_page=1&tmp=q21-det&TID=6339

LXBVienna2011March20

Vienna, March 20, 2011


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